International Relations Theory Definitions

• International Affairs Theories

. International relations ( IR) or international affairs ( IA) — commonly also referred to as international studies ( IS), global studies ( GS), or global affairs ( GA) — is the study of interconnectedness of, and on a global level. Depending on the academic institution, it is either a field of, an academic field similar to, or an entirely independent academic in which students take a variety of internationally focused courses in and disciplines. In all cases, the field studies relationships between political entities such as, (IGOs), (INGOs), other (NGOs), and (MNCs), and the wider produced by this interaction. International relations is an and a field, and so can be and, because it analyses and formulates the of a given state. As political activity, international relations dates from the time of the Greek historian ( c.

Cooperation in International Relations: A Comparison of Keohane, Haas and Franck By Anne L. Herbertt This review essay examines three works that address the phenomenon of cooperation in international relations. Two of the books are written by interna-tional relations theorists and the third by an international law scholar. International Relations Theory. This is an excerpt from International Relations – an E-IR Foundations beginner’s textbook. Download your free copy here. Theories of International Relations allow us to understand and try to make sense of the world around us through various lenses, each of which represents a different theoretical perspective. From pp.4-9 of Goldstein and Pevehouse, International Relations, 8th edition, 2008 (available July 2007), ISBN 978-0-205-57317-2. The field of IR reflects the world's complexity, and IR scholars use many theories, concepts, and buzzwords in trying to describe and explain it.

460–395 BC), and, in the early 20th century, became a discrete academic field (no. 5901 in the ) within political science. In practice, international relations and international affairs forms a separate academic program or field from political science, and the courses taught therein are highly interdisciplinary.

For example, international relations draws from the fields of,. The scope of international relations encompasses issues such as,.

The official portraits of King dressed according to, and Polish fashion reflects the complex politics of the during the The history of international relations based on and many more types are often traced back to the of 1648, a stepping stone in the development of the modern state system. Prior to this the European medieval organization of political authority was based on a vaguely hierarchical religious order. Contrary to popular belief, Westphalia still embodied layered systems of sovereignty, especially within the. More than the Peace of Westphalia, the of 1713 is thought to reflect an emerging norm that sovereigns had no internal equals within a defined territory and no external superiors as the ultimate authority within the territory's sovereign borders.

The centuries of roughly 1500 to 1789 saw the rise of the independent, sovereign, the institutionalization of and armies. The added to this the new idea that not princes or an oligarchy, but the citizenry of a state, defined as the nation, should be defined as sovereign. Such a state in which the nation is sovereign would thence be termed a (as opposed to a monarchy or a religious state). The term increasingly became its synonym. An alternative model of the nation-state was developed in reaction to the French republican concept by the Germans and others, who instead of giving the citizenry sovereignty, kept the princes and nobility, but defined nation-statehood in ethnic-linguistic terms, establishing the rarely if ever fulfilled ideal that all people speaking one language should belong to one state only. The same claim to sovereignty was made for both forms of nation-state. (In Europe today, few states conform to either definition of nation-state: many continue to have royal sovereigns, and hardly any are ethnically homogeneous.) The particular European system supposing the sovereign equality of states was exported to the Americas, Africa, and Asia via and the 'standards of civilization'.

The contemporary international system was finally established through during the. However, this is somewhat over-simplified. While the nation-state system is considered 'modern', many states have not incorporated the system and are termed 'pre-modern'. Further, a handful of states have moved beyond insistence on full sovereignty, and can be considered 'post-modern'. The ability of contemporary IR discourse to explain the relations of these different types of states is disputed. 'Levels of analysis' is a way of looking at the international system, which includes the individual level, the domestic state as a unit, the international level of transnational and intergovernmental affairs, and the global level.

What is explicitly recognized as international relations theory was not developed until after, and is dealt with in more detail below. IR theory, however, has a long tradition of drawing on the work of other. The use of capitalizations of the 'I' and 'R' in international relations aims to distinguish the academic discipline of international relations from the phenomena of international relations. Many cite 's (6th century BC), ' (5th century BC), 's (4th century BC), as the inspiration for realist theory, with ' and 's providing further elaboration. Similarly, draws upon the work of and, with the work of the former often being cited as the first elaboration of.

Though contemporary human rights is considerably different from the type of rights envisioned under, and offered the first accounts of universal entitlement to certain rights on the basis of common humanity. In the 20th century, in addition to contemporary theories of, has been a foundation of international relations. Study of international relations. Flags of the member states of the International relations as a distinct field of study began in. IR emerged as a formal in 1919 with the founding of the first IR professorship: the Woodrow Wilson Chair at, (now ), hold by and endowed. 's is the oldest international relations faculty in the, founded in 1919. In the early 1920s, the ' department of international relations was founded at the behest of winner: this was the first institute to offer a wide range of degrees in the field.

This was rapidly followed by establishment of IR at universities in the US and in,. The creation of the posts of at LSE and at Oxford gave further impetus to the academic study of international relations. Furthermore, the International History department at LSE developed a focus on the history of IR in the, and periods. The first university entirely dedicated to the study of IR was the (now the ), which was founded in 1927 to form diplomats associated to the. The at the was the first to offer a, in 1928., a collaboration between and, opened its doors in 1933 as the first graduate-only school of international affairs in the United States. In 1965, and the were the first institutions in Canada to offer an undergraduate and a graduate program in international studies and affairs, respectively.

In 2012, initiated the first International Relations degree in, the favourite city fully in English. Main article: Normative theory In the academic discipline of international relations, Smith, Baylis & Owens (2008) make the case that the position or is to make the world a better place, and that this theoretical aims to do so by being aware of and that constitute a non-normative position and align or position the normative towards the of other key socio-political theories such as political, political, political, political and political. Epistemological theory IR theories are roughly divided into one of two camps: 'positivist' and 'post-positivist'. Positivist theories aim to replicate the methods of the natural sciences by analysing the impact of material forces. They typically focus on features of international relations such as state interactions, size of military forces, balance of powers etc. Post-positivist epistemology rejects the idea that the social world can be studied in an objective and value-free way.

It rejects the central ideas of neo-realism/liberalism, such as, on the grounds that the scientific method cannot be applied to the social world and that a 'science' of IR is impossible. A key difference between the two positions is that while positivist theories, such as neo-realism, offer causal explanations (such as why and how power is exercised), post-positivist theories focus instead on constitutive questions, for instance what is meant by 'power'; what makes it up, how it is experienced and how it is reproduced. Often, post-positivist theories explicitly promote a normative approach to IR, by considering ethics. This is something which has often been ignored under 'traditional' IR as positivist theories make a distinction between 'facts' and normative judgments, or 'values'.

During the late 1980s and the 1990s, debate between positivists and post-positivists became the dominant debate and has been described as constituting the Third 'Great Debate' (Lapid 1989). Positivist theories Realism focuses on state security and power above all else. Early realists such as and argued that states are self-interested, power-seeking rational actors, who seek to maximize their security and chances of survival.

Cooperation between states is a way to maximize each individual state's security (as opposed to more idealistic reasons). Similarly, any act of war must be based on self-interest, rather than on idealism. Many realists saw as the vindication of their theory. Realists argue that the need for survival requires state leaders to distance themselves from traditional morality.

Realism taught American leaders to focus on interests rather than on ideology, to seek peace through strength, and to recognize that great powers can coexist even if they have antithetical values and beliefs., the author of is considered to be the founding father of the realist school of political philosophy, although Ned Lebow has argued that seeing Thucydides as a realist is a misinterpretation of more complex political message within Thucydides' work. Amongst others, philosophers like, and are considered to have contributed to the Realist philosophy. However, while their work may support realist doctrine, it is not likely that they would have classified themselves as realists in this sense. Believes that politics, like society, is governed by objective laws with roots in.

To improve society, it is first necessary to understand the laws by which society lives. The operation of these laws being impervious to our preferences, persons will challenge them only at the risk of failure. Realism, believing as it does in the objectivity of the laws of politics, must also believe in the possibility of developing a rational theory that reflects, however imperfectly and one-sidedly, these objective laws. It believes also, then, in the possibility of distinguishing in politics between truth and opinion—between what is true objectively and rationally, supported by evidence and illuminated by reason, and what is only a subjective judgment, divorced from the facts as they are and informed by prejudice and wishful thinking. Placing realism under positivism is far from unproblematic however.

Carr's 'What is History' was a deliberate critique of positivism, and 's aim in 'Scientific Man vs Power Politics' was to demolish any conception that international politics/power politics can be studied scientifically. Morgenthau's belief in this regard is part of the reason he has been classified as a 'classical realist' rather than a realist. Major theorists include,. Liberalism. See also: According to liberalism, individuals are basically good and capable of meaningful cooperation to promote positive change. Liberalism views states, nongovernmental organizations, and intergovernmental organizations as key actors in the international system.

States have many interests and are not necessarily unitary and autonomous, although they are sovereign. Liberal theory stresses interdependence among states, multinational corporations, and international institutions. Theorists such as have postulated an international society in which various actors communicate and recognize common rules, institutions, and interests. Liberals also view the international system as anarchic since there is no single overarching international authority and each individual state is left to act in its own self-interest. Liberalism is historically rooted in the liberal philosophical traditions associated with and Immanuel Kant that posit that human nature is basically good and that individual self-interest can be harnessed by society to promote aggregate social welfare.

Individuals form groups and later, states; states are generally cooperative and tend to follow international norms. Arose after World War I in response to the inability of states to control and limit war in their international relations. Early adherents include and, who argued that states mutually gained from cooperation and that war was so destructive as to be essentially futile. Liberalism was not recognized as a coherent theory as such until it was collectively and derisively termed idealism. A new version of 'idealism' that focused on as the basis of the legitimacy of was advanced. Major theorists include,.

Neoliberalism. Further information: seeks to update liberalism by accepting the neorealist presumption that states are the key actors in international relations, but still maintains that (NSAs) and (IGOs) matter.

Proponents argue that states will cooperate irrespective of, and are thus concerned with. This also means that nations are, in essence, free to make their own choices as to how they will go about conducting policy without any blocking a nation's right to. Neoliberal institutionalism, an approach founded by Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye, emphasize the important role of international institutions in maintaining an open global trading regime. Prominent neoliberal institutionalists are,. Regime theory is derived from the liberal tradition that argues that international institutions or regimes affect the behaviour of states (or other international actors). It assumes that cooperation is possible in the anarchic system of states, indeed, regimes are by definition, instances of international cooperation. While predicts that conflict should be the norm in international relations, regime theorists say that there is cooperation despite anarchy.

Often they cite cooperation in trade, human rights and among other issues. These instances of cooperation are regimes. The most commonly cited definition of regimes comes from, who defines regimes as 'principles, norms, rules, and decision-making procedures around which actor expectations converge in a given issue-area'. Not all approaches to regime theory, however, are liberal or neoliberal; some realist scholars like have developed hybrid theories which take a realist based approach to this fundamentally liberal theory. (Realists do not say cooperation never happens, just that it is not the norm; it is a difference of degree). Post-positivist/reflectivist theories International society theory (the English school).

Main article: International society theory, also called the English School, focuses on the shared norms and values of states and how they regulate international relations. Examples of such norms include diplomacy, order,.

Unlike neo-realism, it is not necessarily positivist. Theorists have focused particularly on humanitarian intervention, and are subdivided between solidarists, who tend to advocate it more, and pluralists, who place greater value in order and sovereignty. Nicholas Wheeler is a prominent solidarist, while and are perhaps the best known pluralists. Social constructivism. Main article: encompasses a broad range of theories that aim to address questions of, such as the debate, as well as questions of, such as the 'material/ideational' debate that concerns the relative role of material forces versus ideas. Constructivism is not a theory of IR in the manner of neo-realism, but is instead a which is used to better explain the actions taken by states and other major actors as well as the identities that guide these states and actors. Can be divided into what (1998) calls 'conventional' and 'critical' constructivism.

Common to all varieties of constructivism is an interest in the role that ideational forces play. The most famous constructivist scholar, noted in a 1992 article in —and later in his 1999 book Social Theory of International Politics—that 'anarchy is what states make of it'. By this he means that the anarchical structure that neo-realists claim governs state interaction is in fact a phenomenon that is socially constructed and reproduced by states. For example, if the system is dominated by states that see anarchy as a life or death situation (what Wendt terms a 'Hobbesian' anarchy) then the system will be characterized by warfare. If on the other hand anarchy is seen as restricted (a 'Lockean' anarchy) then a more peaceful system will exist. Anarchy in this view is constituted by state interaction, rather than accepted as a natural and immutable feature of international life as viewed by neo-realist IR scholars. Prominent social constructivist IR scholars are,.

Feminism. Main article: Feminist IR considers the ways that international politics affects and is affected by both men and women and also at how the core concepts that are employed within the discipline of IR (e.g. War, security, etc.) are themselves gendered. Feminist IR has not only concerned itself with the traditional focus of IR on states, wars, diplomacy and security, but feminist IR scholars have also emphasized the importance of looking at how gender shapes the current global political economy.

In this sense, there is no clear cut division between feminists working in IR and those working in the area of International Political Economy (IPE). From its inception, feminist IR has also theorized extensively about men and, in particular, masculinities. Many IR feminists argue that the discipline is inherently masculine in nature. For example, in her article 'Sex and Death in the Rational World of Defense Intellectuals' Signs (1988), Carol Cohn claimed that a highly masculinized culture within the defence establishment contributed to the divorcing of war from human emotion. Feminist IR emerged largely from the late 1980s onwards.

The end of the Cold War and the re-evaluation of traditional IR theory during the 1990s opened up a space for gendering International Relations. Because feminist IR is linked broadly to the critical project in IR, by and large most feminist scholarship has sought to problematize the politics of knowledge construction within the discipline - often by adopting methodologies of deconstructivism associated with postmodernism/poststructuralism. However, the growing influence of feminist and women-centric approaches within the international policy communities (for example at the World Bank and the United Nations) is more reflective of the liberal feminist emphasis on equality of opportunity for women. Prominent scholars include,.

Marxism and Neo-Marxist theories of IR reject the realist/liberal view of state conflict or cooperation; instead focusing on the economic and material aspects. It makes the assumption that the economy trumps other concerns; allowing for the elevation of class as the focus of study. Marxists view the international system as an integrated capitalist system in pursuit of capital accumulation. Thus, brought in sources for raw materials and for exports, while brought new opportunities in the form of dependence. A prominent derivative of Marxian thought is which is the application of ' to international relations. Early critical theorists were associated with the which followed Marx's concern with the conditions that allow for social change and the establishment of rational institutions. Their emphasis on the 'critical' component of theory was derived significantly from their attempt to overcome the limits of positivism.

Modern-day proponents such as, and focus on the need for human from the nation-state. Hence, it is 'critical' of mainstream IR theories that tend to be both positivist and state-centric. Further linked in with Marxist theories is and the, which argue that developed countries, in their pursuit of power, appropriate developing states through international banking, security and trade agreements and unions on a formal level, and do so through the interaction of political and financial advisors, missionaries, relief aid workers, and MNCs on the informal level, in order to integrate them into the capitalist system, strategically appropriating undervalued natural resources and labor hours and fostering economic and political dependence. Marxist theories receive little attention in the United States.

It is more common in parts of Europe and is one of the more important theoretic contributions of Latin American academia to the study of global networks. Leadership theories Interest group perspective theory posits that the driving force behind state behaviour is sub-state interest groups. Examples of interest groups include political, the military, and the corporate sector.

Group theory argues that although these interest groups are constitutive of the state, they are also causal forces in the exercise of state power. Strategic perspective Strategic perspective is a theoretical approach that views individuals as choosing their actions by taking into account the anticipated actions and responses of others with the intention of maximizing their own welfare. Inherent bad faith model. Further information: and The ' of information processing is a theory in political psychology that was first put forth by to explain the relationship between ' beliefs and his model of information processing. It is the most widely studied model of one's opponent.

A state is presumed to be implacably hostile, and contra-indicators of this are ignored. They are dismissed as propaganda ploys or signs of weakness.

Examples are ' position regarding the Soviet Union, or Israel's initial position on the. Post-structuralist theories developed in the 1980s from.

Post-structuralism explores the deconstruction of concepts traditionally not problematic in IR (such as 'power' and 'agency') and examines how the construction of these concepts shapes international relations. The examination of 'narratives' plays an important part in poststructuralist analysis; for example, work has examined the role that 'women' play in global society and how they are constructed in war as 'innocent' and 'civilians'.

(See also.) Rosenberg's article 'Why is there no International Historical Sociology' was a key text in the evolution of this strand of international relations theory. Post-structuralism has garnered both significant praise and criticism, with its critics arguing that post-structuralist research often fails to address the real-world problems that international relations studies is supposed to contribute to solving. Levels of analysis Systemic level concepts International relations are often viewed in terms of levels of analysis.

The systemic level concepts are those broad concepts that define and shape an international milieu, characterized. Focusing on the systemic level of international relations is often, but not always, the preferred method for neo-realists and other structuralist IR analysts. Sovereignty. Main article: Preceding the concepts of interdependence and dependence, international relations relies on the idea of sovereignty. Described in 's 'Six Books of the Commonwealth' in 1576, the three pivotal points derived from the book describe sovereignty as being a state, that the sovereign power(s) have absolute power over their territories, and that such a power is only limited by the sovereign's 'own obligations towards other sovereigns and individuals'.

Such a foundation of sovereignty permits, is indicated by a sovereign's obligation to other sovereigns, interdependence and dependence to take place. While throughout world history there have been instances of groups lacking or losing sovereignty, such as African nations prior to Decolonization or the occupation of Iraq during the, there is still a need for sovereignty in terms of assessing international relations. Main article: The concept of Power in international relations can be described as the degree of resources, capabilities, and influence in international affairs. It is often divided up into the concepts of and, hard power relating primarily to coercive power, such as the use of force, and soft power commonly covering, and influence. However, there is no clear dividing line between the two forms of power. National interest Perhaps the most significant concept behind that of power and sovereignty, is a state's action in relation to other states where it seeks to gain advantage or benefits to itself.

National interest, whether aspirational or operational, is divided by core/vital and peripheral/non-vital interests. Core or vital interests constitute the things which a country is willing to defend or expand with conflict such as territory, ideology (religious, political, economic), or its citizens. Peripheral or non-vital are interests which a state is willing to compromise. For example, in the German annexation of the in 1938 (a part of Czechoslovakia) under the, Czechoslovakia was willing to relinquish territory which was considered ethnically German in order to preserve its own integrity and sovereignty. Non-state actors In the 21st century, the status-quo of the international system is no longer monopolized by states alone.

Rather, it is the presence of non-state actors, who autonomously act to implement unpredictable behaviour to the international system. Whether it is, or, these entities have the potential to significantly influence the outcome of any international transaction. Additionally, this also includes the individual person as while the individual is what constitutes the states collective entity, the individual does have the potential to also create unpredicted behaviours., as an example of a non-state actor, has significantly influenced the way states (and non-state actors) conduct international affairs. Power blocs The existence of power blocs in international relations is a significant factor related to. During the, the alignment of several nations to one side or another based on ideological differences or national interests has become an endemic feature of international relations. Unlike prior, shorter-term blocs, the Western and Soviet blocs sought to spread their national ideological differences to other nations.

Leaders like U.S. President under the believed it was necessary to spread democracy whereas the under Soviet policy sought to spread communism.

After the Cold War, and the dissolution of the ideologically homogeneous Eastern bloc still gave rise to others such as the movement. Polarity. Main article: Polarity in international relations refers to the arrangement of power within the international system. The concept arose from bipolarity during the, with the international system dominated by the conflict between two, and has been applied retrospectively by theorists. However, the term bipolar was notably used by Stalin who said he saw the international system as a bipolar one with two opposing powerbases and ideologies. Consequently, the international system prior to 1945 can be described as multipolar, with power being shared among. Empires of the world in 1910 The in 1991 had led to unipolarity, with the United States as a sole superpower, although many refuse to acknowledge the fact.

Continued rapid economic growth (in 2010 it became the world's second-largest economy), combined with the respectable international position they hold within political spheres and the power that the Chinese Government exerts over their people (consisting of the largest population in the world), resulted in debate over whether China is now a superpower or a possible candidate in the future. However, China's strategic force unable of projecting power beyond its region and its nuclear arsenal of 250 warheads (compared to 7700 of the United States ) mean that the unipolarity will persist in the policy-relevant future. Several theories of international relations draw upon the idea of. The was a concept prevalent in Europe prior to the, the thought being that by balancing power blocs it would create stability and prevent war. Theories of the balance of power gained prominence again during the, being a central mechanism of 's Neorealism. Here, the concepts of balancing (rising in power to counter another) and bandwagonning (siding with another) are developed.

's also draws upon the idea of polarity, specifically the state of unipolarity. Is the preponderance of power at one pole in the international system, and the theory argues this is a stable configuration because of mutual gains by both the dominant power and others in the international system. This is contrary to many neorealist arguments, particularly made by, stating that the end of the and the state of unipolarity is an unstable configuration that will inevitably change. The case of Gilpin proved to be correct and Waltz's article titled 'The Stability of a Bipolar World' was followed in 1999 by 's article titled 'The Stability of a Unipolar World' Waltz's thesis can be expressed in, which states that it is likely that a would challenge a hegemon after a certain period, resulting in a major war. It suggests that while hegemony can control the occurrence of wars, it also results in the creation of one. Its main proponent, argued this based on the occurrence of previous wars during British, Portuguese, and Dutch hegemony.

Interdependence Many advocate that the current international system is characterized by growing interdependence; the mutual responsibility and dependency on others. Advocates of this point to growing, particularly with international economic interaction. The role of international institutions, and widespread acceptance of a number of operating principles in the international system, reinforces ideas that relations are characterized by interdependence. Dependency. In is a theory most commonly associated with, stating that a set of core states exploit a set of weaker periphery states for their prosperity.

Various versions of the theory suggest that this is either an inevitability (standard dependency theory), or use the theory to highlight the necessity for change (Neo-Marxist). Systemic tools of international relations. is the practice of communication and negotiation between representatives of states.

To some extent, all other tools of international relations can be considered the failure of diplomacy. Keeping in mind, the use of other tools are part of the communication and negotiation inherent within diplomacy. Sanctions, force, and adjusting trade regulations, while not typically considered part of diplomacy, are actually valuable tools in the interest of leverage and placement in negotiations. are usually a first resort after the failure of diplomacy, and are one of the main tools used to enforce treaties.

They can take the form of diplomatic or economic sanctions and involve the cutting of ties and imposition of barriers to communication or trade., the use of force, is often thought of as the ultimate tool of international relations. A popular definition is that given by, with war being 'the continuation of politics by other means'. There is a growing study into 'new wars' involving actors other than states.

The study of war in international relations is covered by the disciplines of ' and '. The mobilization of international shame can also be thought of as a tool of international relations. This is attempting to alter states' actions through ' at the international level. This is mostly done by the large human rights NGOs such as (for instance when it called Guantanamo Bay a 'Gulag'),. A prominent use of was the 1235 procedure, which publicly exposes state's human rights violations. The current has yet to use this mechanism.

The allotment of economic and/or diplomatic benefits such as the 's; candidate countries are only allowed to join if they meet the. The mutual exchange of ideas, information, art, music and language among nations through has also been recognized by governments as an important tool in the development of international relations. Unit-level concepts in international relations As a level of analysis the unit level is often referred to as the state level, as it locates its explanation at the level of the state, rather than the international system. Regime type It is often considered that a state's form of government can dictate the way that a state interacts with others in the international relation.

International Affairs Theories

Is a theory that suggests that the nature of means that democratic countries will not go to war with each other. The justifications for this are that democracies externalize their norms and only go to war for just causes, and that democracy encourages mutual trust and respect. Justifies a world revolution, which similarly would lead to peaceful coexistence, based on a proletarian global society. Revisionism/status quo States can be classified by whether they accept the international, or are revisionist—i.e., want change. Revisionist states seek to fundamentally change the rules and practices of international relations, feeling disadvantaged by the status quo. They see the international system as a largely western creation which serves to reinforce current realities.

Is an example of a state that has gone from being a revisionist state to one that is satisfied with the status quo, because the status quo is now beneficial to it. Religion Religion can have an effect on the way a state acts within the international system. Different theoretical perspectives treat it in somewhat different fashion. One dramatic example is the (1618–48) that ravaged much of Europe. Religion is visible as an organizing principle particularly for, whereas secularism sits at the other end of the spectrum, with the separation of state and religion being responsible for the.

Events since the in the United States, the role of in, and the strife in the have made it a major topic. There are many different types of religions. One being Confucianism, which is China's major world view (Alexander, 1998). Individual or sub-unit level concepts The level beneath the unit (state) level can be useful both for explaining factors in international relations that other theories fail to explain, and for moving away from a state-centric view of international relations. Psychological factors in international relations – Evaluating psychological factors in international relations comes from the understanding that a state is not a 'black box' as proposed by, and that there may be other influences on foreign policy decisions.

Examining the role of personalities in the decision making process can have some, as can the role of misperception between various actors. A prominent application of sub-unit level psychological factors in international relations is the concept of, another is the propensity of policymakers to think in terms of analogies. Bureaucratic politics – Looks at the role of the in decision making, and sees decisions as a result of bureaucratic in-fighting, and as having been shaped by various constraints. Religious, ethnic, and secessionist groups – Viewing these aspects of the sub-unit level has explanatory power with regards to, transnational and other actors which do not consider themselves to fit with the defined state boundaries.

This is particularly useful in the context of the pre-modern world of weak states. Science, technology and international relations – How science and technology impact global health, business, environment, technology, and development., and economic factors in international relations. – Looks at how culture and cultural variables impact in international relations. Personal relations between leaders Institutions in international relations.